Laozi Louguantai
Lâo Zî (ca. 450 BC), legendary author of Dàodé Jing, the iconic ‘Way and Virtue Classic’ of Daoism on his way west, reputedly had it committed it to writing, on the request of Qín’s pass-keeper at Lóuguantaí.1 This tradition suggests a link with Qín in its dissemination. The work, Lâozî for short, has sixty occurrences of ‘Virtue’ dé, its practical side, to the same number of the ‘Way’. (Star 2001: 326) Héguanzî’s ratio is fifty-five to eighty-one.
Legalist philosopher Hán Fei Zî wrote the first two commentaries to explain how its ideas might be applied to universal rulership.2 In 233 he travelled to present these ideas to Qín where the future First Emperor, with his interest in the occult, was reportedly keen to meet him. Unfortunately, premier Lî Si, Hán Fei’s ex-fellow student under Confucian Xúnzî, had him executed first.3
It might be imagined that Qín, notorious for harsh legalism and rejection of Confucianism, had scarce room for Dào. Archaeology tells a different story. Qín, gateway to the west and entrance to the Silk Road, was the birthplace of early dynasties. A giant pyramid, north of Xi’an, is claimed to be of the Yellow Emperor, who was born at nearby Chéncang (Bâoji), also home to Qín’s state cult of the cock-pheasant god. (Shîjì I, dì-2b; XXVIII dì-222b.) (Plate 4)
As early as 626 BC, the Yellow Emperor was credited in Qín with creation of “Ritual music and Law’s degrees.”4 Its legal tradition was further developed by reformer Shang Yang (ca. 390-338) who, citing the Yellow Emperor, codified rewards and punishments5 to curb the power of a nobility who eventually had him murdered. Codified law was anathema to Confucius (541-478) who preached rule by moral example. Equally abhorrent to Confucians was the person of the Yellow Emperor, conspicuously absent from the Confucian canon.
Mò Zî (fl. 470-391), philosopher of ‘universal love’, who as a strong critic of Confucius and a strong proponent of law, had an established following in Qín.6 Concepts of harsh penal law and a mystic Way were evidently both amenable to the radical agenda of the First Emperor.
Héguanzî contains elements of both systems. Though he condemns ‘savage laws’ (mêngfâ), his blue-print for recruitment and centralised ‘bureaucrative’ rule (ix-c) has points in common with that implemented by Qín. Héguan Zî’s philosophy of divinely inspired law raises the question whether this represented a Chinese ‘foundational’ or natural law, the basis of scientific thought. (Needham 1956: 547; Peerenboom 1993: 333, n57; Defoort 2015: 300-301)
Newly unearthed Yellow Emperor texts from Mâwángdui, like Héguanzî, are centered on the theme of ‘unity’, spiritual and political, share affinities with the Qín First Emperor’s thinking and programs. The succeeding Hàn dynasty, while succeeding to Qín’s unified imperial system, came to downplay such writings, and instead reverenced the Yellow Emperor’s arch-enemy, Chiyóu, as divine architect of their victory over Qín and made him their god of war.7
1 Shîjì (LXIII, Lièzhuàn 3, Lâo Zî) dì-355b. Traditional site of composition, Lóuguantaí, is near Xi’an.
2 Hánfeizî (XX, Jiê Lâo; XXI, Yù Lâo).
3 Shîjì (LXII, Lièzhuàn 3, Hán Fei). Hánfeizî (I, Chujiàn Qín). Schipper 2000: 38-39: argues Hán Fei Zî “used the Daode Jing as a guide for the political unification of China.”
4 Shîjì (V, Bênjì) dì-33a, Qín’s Duke Móu 34th year: Lîyuè Fâdù 禮樂法度.
5 Shang jun Shu (XVIII, Huàcè) 64.
6 Shîjì (LXIII, Lièzhuàn 3, Lâo Zî) dì-355c. Lyûshì Chunqiu (Mèngchun I-5 Wúsi 11a) on Mohist Grand Master Fù Chun in Qín who insisted on executing his only son for murder despite King Huì (r. 337-311)’s pardon. Cook 2002: 307-345. Sellmann 1999: 193-218.
7 Lewis 1990: 184, SMQ 1378. Shîjì (XXVIII Fengshàn Shu) dì-225-a.